The Turkish AKP (Justice and Development Party) will face an
insurmountable opposition from the Turkish people in this coming election.
Erdogan’s decade long attempts at creating an Islamic hegemony in a secular
country, and support for Islamic movements such as the Muslim Brotherhood, has
both failed and left the AKP in its weakest state. As the representative of
political Islam in Turkey and a major state supporter of Islamist movements in
the region, Erdogan’s loss of absolute majority in the Turkish parliament is
concomitant to another major defeat for the political Islam movement as a whole
and for the Islamist groups in the region. This election is the direct result
of the gruelling struggle of the Turkish working-class in the last ten years to
stand united (Turks and Kurds) against, and committed to, the toppling an
Islamic warmonger.
The result of the last election in Turkey has led to a precipitous
increase in anti-Kurdish policies by the Erdogan AKP Islamist party. The result
of last June’s election took away the AKP’s absolute majority in the
legislature and saw a significant rise in the number of seats for the People’s
Democratic Party’s (80 seats, 13.1 percent of the votes). With the loss of
absolute majority in the Turkish parliament, Erdogan lost his opportunity for
installing a powerful executive team (led by himself).
Since the last election the Erdogan Islamist regime has made
it a priority to suppress the People’s Democratic Party (HDP) in all ways
possible in order to prevent it from reaching the 10% minimum threshold for
representation. One of the major internal steps taken by the Erdogan Islamist
regime against the Turkish Kurds has been to politically link and define the
PKK (Kurdish Workers’ Party) and ISIS (Islamic State of Iraq and Syria),
despite the fact that the two groups are ideologically and politically polar
opposite and the PKK is world renown for its successful campaigns against ISIS,
under the banner of terrorism. Further, using its propaganda machine (Turkish
state controlled media), Erdogan unsuccessfully attempted to tie the PKK as the
military arm of the People’s Democratic Party (with its charismatic leader
Selahattin Demirtas), and thus charging the HDP for supporting terrorism. Other
attacks in the last several months on the HDP include the targeting of its
offices by the right wing nationalists, spearheaded by the National Action
Party with strong political affiliation to Erdogan’s Islamist party. Other
internal attacks include the murder of 32 leftists Kurdish activists on June 20th
and the bombing of a Kurdish peace demonstration (organized by the HDP) that
killed 100 people. Both attacks that are widely considered to be state
orchestrated, were defined by the Erdogan’s state propaganda media as acts of
terrorism committed by the PKK and ISIS, in order to further justify the
Turkish militarism against the Kurdish population internally and foreign (Syria
and Iraq).
The precipitous increase in Turkish militarism in the region
since last June’s election is Erdogan’s failed attempts to ameliorate an
internal political defeat. It also ossifies and is prescient of the augmenting
Kurdish-led anti-Islamist and secularist movement in Turkey and the region. By
ending a two year ceasefire with the PKK, Erdogan is using the Turkish
military, supported by its membership in NATO, to bomb the Kurdish population
in border regions in Syria and Iraq and flatten the Kurdish opposition in
Turkey in order to create a favourable election conditions for the AKP this
November. It is important to mention here that it is only under capitalism
democracy that a warmonger, guilty of war crimes against a peaceful group and
civilians, is able to participate in an election and become the president.
Erdogan wants to install a dictatorial power in Turkey in
order use state monopoly on violence to imprison a secular and progressive
nation within the walls of Islam (such is the case of Iran for the last four
decades). However, this election is more
than just about stopping Erdogan from flushing a secular country down the
toilet of Islam and Sharia. It is about defeating a major sponsor of political
Islam in the region. The nascent growth of Kurdish-led secularist and workers’
movement in both Turkey and Syria can only be protected and ossified from
political oscillations if state sponsors of political Islam, the AKP in Turkey,
are defeated.
In order to build and protect radical workers’ economies and
workers’ movements in the region, such as in Kobane, predicates the removal of
state violence committed by the sword of political Islam that looms above the
head of all socialist movements in the region. This is concomitant to the
larger struggle against capitalism inequality, crisis and penchant for perpetual
war.
Chia Barsen
WWW.CHIABARSEN.COM
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